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Under his directorship, the Scripps Foundation became the preeminent center for the study of population in the U. Over the course of his career, Whelpton continued the influential work of the Scripps Foundation with Thompson and in his own groundbreaking work on population projection methods and fertility. Two other notable demographers, Donald Bogue and Norman Ryder, also held appointments at Scripps in the late s and early s, both going on to serve as PAA presidents in later years.

Though the Scripps Gerontology Center [renamed in ] remains separate from the Department of Sociology, Robert Atchley, who became director in , reinforced strong ties between the two through his research in the sociology of aging and retirement, his work with Millie Seltzer on the development of academic programs in gerontology. In , the U. Administration on Aging designated the renamed Scripps Gerontology Center one of only seven multidisciplinary centers on aging.

Sociology faculty were also busy rethinking the professional orientation and organization of their discipline during this period. Dissatisfied with the compartmentalization and overly positivist direction in which academic sociology was headed, Miami professors Chuck Flynn and Ann Davis launched an effort to create and recruit members to a new professional society with a different, more inclusive and humanistic orientation.

05 Theories of the Family (Functionalism and Marxism)

During this same period, the department played a key role in the development of the scholarship of teaching and learning in sociology. Theodore C. Wagenaar served as the inaugural editor of Teaching Sociology under American Sociological Association auspices from and published numerous articles in that journal outside of his editorial term. He served as a Carnegie National Scholar in the scholarship of teaching and learning and contributed to various publications and task forces on the scholarship of teaching and learning.

For several decades, he played key roles in the Lilly Conference on College Teaching at Miami, an international conference on the scholarship of teaching and learning. Sociology and Gerontology at Miami University continues to evolve in the 21st Century. In , the department launched a Ph. Since its inception, our Ph. More recently, the department launched an undergraduate major in Social Justice Studies, one of the first of its kind in the United States.

Graduates from all of our undergraduate programs go on to an impressive variety of positions, including Teach for America; the U. Department of Defense; highly ranked law, medical, and graduate schools; and private sector firms. Specific chapters provide in-depth applications with couples, families, step and blended families, minorities, families with histories of violence, and families facing chronic illness, as well as potential uses in policy, education, or further research.

In this way, readers may find new ideas and possibilities in older or less familiar schools of thought.

The Case for Scholarly Reparations

At the same time, the book offers the foundation for the future of the field. A historical reference that doubles as a contemporary idea book, the Sourcebook of Family Theories and Methods belongs in the libraries of family therapists and psychologists, social workers, and sociologists specializing in families. Policy analysts in this critical area should find the Sourcebook significant reading as well. Skip to main content Skip to table of contents. Advertisement Hide. Front Matter Pages i-xxvi. Family Theories and Methods. William J. Doherty, Pauline G. Schumm, Suzanne K.

Pages Metatheory and Family Studies. Family Theory and Methods in the Classics.


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Historical Methods in Family Research. Jay D. Schvaneveldt, Robert S.

Sourcebook of Family Theories and Methods | SpringerLink

Pickett, Margaret H. Comparative Methods in Family Research. Symbolic Interactionism and Family Studies. Qualitative Family Research. Quantitative Measurement in Family Research. Fourteen different types of dance hall are identified p The chapter ends with a formal definition of dance halls. Part Two then describes the taxi dancer and her world — it looks at the social world, the background, and the life cycle of the taxi dance hall.

The analysis of this mosaic of social worlds readily reveals many contrasting areas of study. These are not by any means the only two — media, family, collective behaviour, mental illness etc. But these two were certainly given an emphasis at Chicago. I have selected them for major illustration in Volume Three. And they pose crucial sociological problems. Chicago Sociology placed many of these problems at the top of its agenda and legitimated the serious study of ethnic relations.

Looking at the demoralisation in these new communities, he urged the building of new primary and secondary groups to give meaning to faltering lives. But it was Robert Park who gave a prime focus to race and ethnicity. He had been secretary to the conservative Negro reformer Booker T. The obstacles he saw to this see the article by Lyman gave his work an inevitably pessimistic even conservative tone.

Park was not especially optimistic about the possibility of change ; the assimilation of racial groups into American life was not to be an easy transition.


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He sensed simultaneously a strong prejudice from whites along with a growing race consciousness amongst blacks which worked against this. There was also a small but important group of black scholars who studied and researched at Chicago. Charles S. With hindsight, Chicago Sociology sets many of the most central questions that a sociology of race should still address.

These include:.

Implicitly, and sometimes explicitly, blacks were assumed to be inferior. For the model poses the question of just how far new cultures can or should become meshed into a dominant one or retain their own autonomy.

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West et al. Indeed, for some — such as Thomas- this was the central issue. What are Negroes thinking? Few white persons know the intimate reactions of Negroes to problems which they face daily. I do not wish to overstate the contribution of Chicago sociologists to the emergence of a sociology of ethnic relations.

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It is clear they had their fault. There were a series of major neglects- North American Indians, for instance, do not figure; discussions of the former patterns of slavery were few; and links to class and the economic system were rarely clearly made. Nevertheless,I believe — from a number of recent surveys Persons, ; Lal, ;Wacker, that Chicago studies certainly recognised and contributed to an important field of ethnic studies.

As Person says in the chapter in Volume 3 :.

Prior to racist theories were widely held and openly expressed. After it was no longer academically respectable to entertain such opinions…. Persons, Delinquency in the City : Chicago Sociology is strongly identified with research, theory and policy on youthful delinquency. Although today many of its contributions are seriously criticised, it remains the case that Chicago was responsible for many of the most formative ideas in this important modern area of investigation. Bennett, , through the much wider statistical analysis of the locations of gangs and delinquencies within Delinquent Areas, and — with various colleagues- through field work observations of gangs.

They established the Institute for Juvenile Research. The Chicago sociologists also revealed through the field of delinquency, their ambivalence to scientific sociology as opposed to sociology as reformist activity. Thrasher for instance was concerned not just with the process of disorganisation, but the process of reorganisation — ceremonies and institutions that enable delinquent to return to society; Shaw and MacKay established the Chicago Area Project — the seedbed of community action programmes.

The city of Chicago is one of the most complete social laboratories in the world… ibid. But there are problems. This is a kind of ethnography but it contains virtually nothing on how the study was done. All it says is :. Observers were sent into the Taxi dance halls. They were instructed to mingle with the others to become as much a part of this social world as ethically possible. They were asked to observe and to keep as accurate a record as possible of the behaviour and conversation of those met in the establishments..

Cressey, pxvii.

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Racism: a blind spot in French urban sociology?

This kind of approach is true of nearly all the Chicago studies. They clearly lack a methodological or theoretical sophistication : in most cases, they simply assemble data, providing neither a clear theoretical frame often Park and Burgess do get a mention but they are not systematically linked or developed , nor a methodological appendix of the kind we have come to expect.

Curiously, it is a very late product of Chicago- Street Corner Society by Whyte on Boston — which has come to be the canonical, classic reference on fieldwork. But this comes much later, and under the influence of Blumer and Wirth not Park and Burgess. So in general there is no great sophistication here: indeed, quite the reverse.

Compared to their later followers, they were remarkably unsophisticated, Only at a much later stage did self conscious and sophisticated commentaries appear. The early Chicago sociologists shunned the abstract debates in the philosophy of the social sciences and methodology that often dominates sociology today. Some of the key writers actually expressed a disdain for methodology talk. There is nothing very complicated or obscure about this : method becomes a straightforward practical task.

Many of the classic Chicago texts just do their research in a most un self conscious, or reflexive way. And yet, I do not wish to give a wrong impression : there is more method to Chicago Sociology than is to be found in the empirical reports!